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Risk Ignored, Crisis Assured: The Lesson Lebanon Refuses to Learn
09.03.2025
Lebanon can emerge from its economic and social malaise, but it has to apply the right lessons.
Lebanon is operating within a volatile risk environment: fiscal and monetary fragility, a fractured compact with depositors and taxpayers, overstretched infrastructure, sanctions spillovers and de-risking pressures, cyber and data vulnerabilities, climate-related shocks, and the persistent drag of project execution failures. What the state needs is not another checklist but a common way to see risk across ministries and agencies, agree on how much exposure is tolerable, and move at the right tempo. The practical approach is to adapt a proven public-sector framework to Lebanon’s context—one that treats risk as a daily management issue, not an episodic crisis ritual.
The first step is political and cultural, not technical. The government should establish a clear risk appetite tied to the country’s core objectives—macroeconomic stabilization, continuity of essential services, and justice and safety—and require every ministry and central public body to translate that appetite into their daily decisions. Senior civil servants (secretaries-general) would set and sustain the tone. Each entity’s board-equivalent and an Audit & Risk Assurance Committee would supply structured challenge and assurance. Managers remain the first line of defense; a small, capable risk function forms the second by standardizing practice; internal audit provides independent third-line assurance. Clarity about who does what prevents diffusion of responsibility—and, when red flags appear, it makes escalation fast and unambiguous. That is how a government replaces firefighting with foresight.
To make risk conversations concrete and comparable, Lebanon should adopt a simple taxonomy—the four lenses of internal, external, strategic, and major-project risk—and insist that every cabinet discussion sees the full picture through these lenses. Internal risks are those directly within the state’s control and susceptible to improvement through better processes and controls, including fraud, data protection, procurement integrity, capacity gaps, and vendor performance. External risks are the shocks that cannot be precisely predicted but can be prepared for, including regional escalation, sanctions contagion, and correspondent-banking withdrawal, commodity price spikes, extreme weather, and cyberattacks. Strategic risks are the slow-burners and sudden breaks that can derail the national agenda itself: the loss of human capital, erosion of state legitimacy, or failure to deliver a credible path on bank-deposit resolution. And major-project risks deserve a spotlight of their own because a handful of flagship programs—power-sector reform, port reconstruction, water-network rehabilitation, and digital ID and payments rails—will make or break service delivery and investor confidence.

When a minister brings a brief to cabinet, it should be immediately clear which lens is being used, what the latest exposure is, and how it is moving over time.
Once the lenses are set, the craft is in the routines. Identification improves when every ministry runs short, structured “what could derail us” sessions, mines incident logs and audit findings, and scans the horizon jointly with the Presidency of the Council of Ministers. Assessment improves when likelihood and impact are evaluated against shared criteria, with explicit targets for the tolerable level of risk in each area. That discipline keeps the dialogue honest, makes trade-offs visible rather than implicit, and allows apples-to-apples comparisons across portfolios.
Response planning shifts from vague mitigations to owned, time-bound actions—with real contingency arrangements for high-impact external risks: fuel and food import continuity, data and payments resilience, and surge staffing to protect front-line services. Review becomes a cadence rather than a ceremony: quarterly deep dives on cross-cutting risks (for example, sanctions and de-risking implications for public finance and state-owned enterprise operations), and monthly dashboards that track the direction of travel, not just static ratings. Reporting improves when it becomes succinct and decision-oriented: what changed this month, where exposure is trending, whether actions are on track, and what help is needed from the center to unblock delivery.
To knit the system together, the center of government should operate a lightweight but authoritative National Risk Register tailored to Lebanon. It need not be encyclopedic; it must be living, refreshed with every fiscal cycle. The register should synthesize top national exposures from ministries and SOEs, highlight interdependencies, and anchor them to budget ceilings and investment priorities. That alignment is existential, not academic. From the broken promises of Paris I to the unfulfilled CEDRE commitments—and the catastrophic blind spot that preceded the 2020 port explosion—Lebanon repeatedly budgeted and borrowed without a sober view of risk. The 2026 draft budget cannot repeat that failure.
Risk management must be integrated into the budget process and the public investment cycle. Fiscal space, procurement choices, and project “gate reviews” should reflect risk-adjusted realities. No large project should reach cabinet without a concise, standardized risk case showing schedule, cost, and delivery exposures; contingency provisions; and clear thresholds that would trigger re-scoping or a pause. For municipalities and arm’s-length bodies, parent ministries must enforce consistent principles and transparent upward reporting so sectoral risks are visible and comparable, ending the patchwork that hides vulnerabilities until they erupt.
In a moment when credibility with international partners, investors, and depositors is exhausted, a risk-aware budget is not a bureaucratic nicety—it is the only credible assurance that public money will be used wisely and that Lebanon can break the cycle of costly surprises. However, embedding risk into the budget is only the first step; it requires institutional support to endure. Lebanon should set up a small Government Risk & Resilience Office within the prime minister’s office to curate templates, convene horizon-scanning exercises, and run peer reviews between ministries so good practice travels.
The office can sponsor targeted, practical training for risk leads (hands-on modules, not certificates) and promote simple, shared tools for capturing and articulating risks. Hence, managers stop writing prose and start managing exposure. Internal audit should be tasked not with box-ticking but with testing whether risk information is reliable and whether mitigation actually bites. As the system matures, the center can introduce analytics to spot patterns across service outages, vendor failures, and compliance events—turning administrative data into early-warning signals.
Because trust is a policy instrument in Lebanon, the government should communicate about risk with disciplined transparency. Not everything belongs in public, but a concise, periodic summary of the state’s top risks and the steps being taken—written in plain language and explicit about trade-offs—would normalize the idea that uncertainty is being managed, not ignored. Where risks intersect with citizen rights and livelihoods—such as banking resolution, electricity reliability, water quality, and public health—communication should connect exposure to concrete actions and timelines, and it should indicate when the government changes course due to new evidence. That is how risk management strengthens legitimacy.
Lebanon does not lack conferences, pledges, or roadmaps. It lacks the habit of managing risk before it becomes a disaster. As Parliament debates the 2026 draft budget, the test is not the numbers on the page but whether those numbers are shielded by foresight. A budget that ignores risk mortgages the future; a budget that embeds risk begins to restore trust. In today’s Lebanon, that is the difference between endlessly fighting fires and rebuilding a state that anticipates, absorbs, and recovers with dignity.
Implementation should be paced—and real. Start with a handful of cabinet members and one or two flagship projects to pilot the whole cycle: lens-based identification, standard scoring, explicit appetite, owned mitigations, and crisp reporting to the cabinet. Expand quickly. Keep what works, adapt what doesn’t, and resist the impulse to centralize everything. The destination is a state that anticipates shocks, absorbs what it must, avoids what it can, and recovers swiftly—directing scarce resources to the places that truly shift the risk profile and secure reliable public services. That is what managing risk means in practice. It is within reach if leadership sets the tone, the center supplies the scaffolding, and managers are empowered to act.
Mohammad Ibrahim Fheili is currently serving as an Executive in Residence with Suliman S. Olayan School of Business (OSB) at the American University of Beirut (AUB), a Risk Strategist, and Capacity Building Expert with focus on the financial sector. He has served in a number of financial institutions in the Levant region. He served as an advisor to the Union of Arab Banks, and the World Union of Arab Bankers on risk and capacity building. Mohammad taught economics, banking and risk management at Louisiana State University (LSU) - Baton Rouge, and the Lebanese American University (LAU) - Beirut. Mohammad received his university education at Louisiana State University, main campus in Baton Rouge, Louisiana.