The Platform

MAKE YOUR VOICES HEARD!

Lebanon’s banks, crippled by reckless state exposure and paralysis, have forfeited their function and trust—ceding everyday finance to remittance firms and saddling blameless depositors with the bill until real reforms arrive.

“Your money is safe with us.” For decades, that promise carried weight in Lebanon. Families deposited their savings with pride, trusting banks as a shield against uncertainty. Parents saved for tuition, workers for retirement, businesses for payroll, and growth. Then came the shock: withdrawals were restricted, transfers were blocked, and balances were frozen. Overnight, the safety net dissolved—and with it the very definition of a bank.

What vanished was not just a set of balance-sheet entries. Banks surrendered their credit base by parking depositors’ money almost entirely with the state and the country’s central bank. What was sold as “risk-free” exposure became scrap the moment the state defaulted and central bank reserves thinned to fumes. For depositors, life savings turned illiquid and unreachable—trapped in a busted financial arrangement. The sector’s credit foundations collapsed, leaving only fragments to be scavenged from a handful of still-viable borrowers.

Meanwhile, the machinery of banking broke down. A bank that won’t let you wire funds abroad, withdraw your cash, or settle payments is a bank in signage only—a locked vault without a key. That operational failure rippled through every corner of society: companies were unable to pay suppliers, students were stranded overseas without tuition, and families were cut off from remittances. The physical shell of banking—branches, IT systems, trained staff—remains. But without fresh capital and reconnection to global finance, the shell is hollow.

The most profound loss, though, is reputational. Trust is the invisible capital banks trade on, and it evaporated as quickly as liquidity. Lebanese banks lost the confidence of their own depositors, as well as that of correspondent banks and international partners. The fallout is visible in de-risking, as well as in being grey-listed under global AML standards and on European blacklists. Reputation can be rebuilt, but not with spin or window dressing. It takes years of transparency and accountability—proof, to the world and to Lebanese citizens, that the old playbook is gone for good.

Into the vacuum stepped the money-service businesses. Once peripheral, they are now the primary rails for remittances and routine transactions. They are fast, reliable, and—crucially—still able to move funds across borders. In practice, they are performing services that banks once monopolized, yet without the obligations to finance the economy or protect depositors. This is not a stopgap; it is a reordering of the financial landscape. The longer banks remain paralyzed, the stronger these alternatives grow—and the weaker the public’s incentive to return to traditional banking even if the sector is someday recapitalized.

Policymakers, for their part, have little to show in terms of the reforms needed to restore law and order in the banking sector. Capital controls are informal, court rulings are inconsistent, and long-promised restructuring laws languish in parliament. Instead of a coordinated plan, the public gets improvisation and delay. That vacuum of credible reform reinforces the depositor’s view that banks are not only insolvent but irrelevant—while non-bank actors quietly take their place.

Who is responsible? The blame is a chain. The state bankrupted itself and defaulted, dragging banks down with it. The central bank engineered schemes to buy time that instead consumed deposits and trapped savers in losses. Commercial banks abandoned their role as financiers of the productive economy, opting instead for the higher yield of lending to the state. Regulators and the judiciary stood by when early corrective action could have limited the damage. The final bill landed with the only party that bore no responsibility for the collapse: the depositors.

What, then, can be salvaged? The list is painfully short. There is physical infrastructure, remnants of loan books, and human expertise—enough to form the skeleton of a restructured sector. But the essence of banking—trust—has been squandered. Rebuilding it will require more than technical fixes or capital injections. It demands a political and institutional overhaul: honest accounting of losses, clear rules and enforcement, credible governance, and a policy architecture that prioritizes depositor protection and the rule of law over expediency and denial.

For depositors, the message should be plain. Do not accept half-truths. Do not be distracted by temporary workarounds. Do not let the narrative deflect blame from those who engineered this disaster. The rise of OMT and Whish Money is not a signal of progress; it is a measure of how far banks have fallen. If banks are to earn their way back, they must first win the one thing that cannot be legislated, engineered, or improvised: your trust. Until then, insist on candor. Insist on accountability. Only then will Lebanon’s financial system be worthy of carrying your savings again.

Mohammad Ibrahim Fheili is currently serving as an Executive in Residence with Suliman S. Olayan School of Business (OSB) at the American University of Beirut (AUB), a Risk Strategist, and Capacity Building Expert with focus on the financial sector. He has served in a number of financial institutions in the Levant region. He served as an advisor to the Union of Arab Banks, and the World Union of Arab Bankers on risk and capacity building. Mohammad taught economics, banking and risk management at Louisiana State University (LSU) - Baton Rouge, and the Lebanese American University (LAU) - Beirut. Mohammad received his university education at Louisiana State University, main campus in Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

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