Lidiia Volkova serves as the Eastern Region Mobile Justice Deputy Team Lead at Global Rights Compliance (GRC), where she works closely with prosecutors from Ukraine’s Zaporizhzhia, Donetsk, and Luhansk regions to investigate war crimes. Her efforts have taken her to some of the most devastated sites in Donetsk, as she helps uncover the brutal realities of war.

One such reality involves Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs), whose numbers remain elusive—estimated between 6,000 and 10,000. Since 2022, Ukraine has orchestrated 49 prisoner exchanges, bringing 3,786 service members back home.

The conditions these soldiers endure are harrowing. Returned POWs bear the scars of torture, severe malnutrition, and psychological trauma. Many recount beatings, sexual violence, and forced labor—violations that flagrantly breach the protections outlined in the Geneva Conventions.

But accountability is elusive. Despite international law, Russia routinely flouts the Conventions’ provisions, frustrating attempts to protect those in captivity. Meanwhile, Ukraine works to counter this impunity by investigating reports of abuse and supporting repatriated POWs with medical care, counseling, and financial aid. Yet the challenge remains vast: identifying individual perpetrators often gives way to the need for broader, systemic accountability—something Volkova and her team are determined to pursue.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Thank you for joining me, Lidiia. Do you have any reliable estimates on how many POWs have been captured and exchanged so far? While the number of exchanges is relatively easier to track, the total number of captured soldiers remains elusive.

Lidia Volkova: First, I will use some numbers and information from open sources, as well as the knowledge I have gained through my work. However, I won’t be able to share all the details because I sometimes work with confidential information.

No one knows the exact number of people captured except, probably, the Russian side. Some numbers appear in Russian media, but we cannot verify them precisely.

Reports from various sources estimate that 6,000-10,000 people have been captured. However, it is currently impossible to confirm the exact number. Tracking the number of people who have been exchanged is much easier. Ukraine frequently reports on this.

Since the full-scale invasion began on February 24, 2022, there have been 49 documented POW exchanges. There were also POW exchanges between 2014 and 2022 before this. Sadly, some individuals remain in captivity from the early years of Russia’s invasion in 2014. Some of these exchanges have included people who were captured long before the full-scale invasion.

My latest data on the number of POWs returned covers December 2024. It reports that 3,786 military personnel have been returned. This number includes only military personnel. Some civilians were captured or detained and later returned by Russia, but the reported figure pertains strictly to military personnel.

Jacobsen: Let’s talk about what happens to prisoners of war once they return. What kind of physical and psychological conditions do these individuals typically face upon coming back? And on the darker side of this issue—are there cases where POWs don’t survive captivity?

Volkova: Every time we see people returning from captivity, their health condition is visibly poor, even from photographs. Most returnees suffer from significant weight loss, sometimes as much as 40 or 50 kilograms or even more. There are also injuries from beatings and torture, as well as conditions resulting from prolonged detention. I will discuss these conditions in more detail shortly.

Additionally, many suffer from chronic diseases that either developed in captivity or worsened due to inadequate medical treatment and unsanitary conditions. There are also long-term consequences of injuries sustained while in detention, as medical treatment is either not provided or provided poorly. Also, obviously, we’re talking about psychological and mental health problems. These can include sleep disorders, PTSD, and various other mental health issues that result from detention.

About conditions—sadly, in the past three years that I have worked with case files and information related to detention centers, they all look distressingly similar. I know we are discussing POWs, but for your information, these conditions are the same for civilians who are also being held—sometimes in the same detention centers, sometimes in different facilities. This is all part of a larger system organized by Russia.

Consistent reports of insufficient food, food shortages, and poor-quality meals concern living conditions. Overcrowding in cells and detention centers is a serious problem, as are unsanitary conditions, lack of access to clean water, and inadequate toilet facilities. Sometimes, detainees go weeks without access to a shower. As I mentioned, there is also a severe lack of medical care.

On top of these conditions, people in detention are subjected to ill-treatment, including beatings, sexual violence, and electrocution. We have frequently seen reports of prolonged solitary confinement, as well as various forms of humiliation. One such practice involves detainees being forced to learn and sing Russian patriotic songs or chant Russian slogans.

There have been multiple cases where individuals have been subjected to these abuses while naked, which exacerbates the humiliation. Another critical aspect of this abuse is that beatings and ill-treatment occur at every stage of captivity.

However, in many detention centers, there is a disturbing practice known as “welcome beatings.” Essentially, when detainees arrive at a new facility—whether their first or the one they are being transferred to—the staff beats them upon entry.

These “welcome beatings” vary in form. In some facilities, there are so-called “corridors of beatings,” where detainees are forced to run through a passage while being assaulted by guards. These beatings serve no purpose other than humiliation and establishing dominance over the prisoners, showing them the regime under which they will be kept.

There is extensive evidence that such conditions exist across multiple detention centers. POWs are often transferred from one facility to another, repeatedly experiencing the same abuse.

Jacobsen: After enduring the initial phase of abuse, what conditions and challenges do POWs face in the long term? What becomes of their physical and psychological well-being in the aftermath of such trauma?

Volkova: After this so-called “welcome,” detainees continue to live under the terrible conditions I described. Reports from detention centers indicate that daily routines often involve forced physical exercises, further beatings, and continued sexual violence. In many cases, this is used as a form of punishment.

One known method of mistreatment is where detainees are forced into uncomfortable positions and made to hold them for extended periods—sometimes an entire day. If a cell holds multiple people, they may all be forced into the same position, and if anyone disobeys or falls, the whole cell can be severely punished.

If one fails or falls down, the whole cell is punished. Another important issue to mention here is sexual violence and the scale at which it occurs. I am not only, or rather not necessarily, referring to classical manifestations of sexual violence, such as rape—although that does occur.

A particularly common method of torture used by Russian forces is electrocution, often targeting male genitals. However, it has also been reported against female detainees. It is frequently employed during interrogations and is often accompanied by beatings, forced nudity, threats of rape, and threats of castration.

I know of at least one well-documented case that is widely recognized by Ukrainians: a Ukrainian POW was castrated on camera by Russian forces. We do know about this case, but much of the information we receive about deaths in captivity—including mass executions of POWs—comes directly from Russian sources. Often, these are things they post on their social media.

In some instances, when POWs are executed immediately after surrendering, the information comes from Ukrainian sources. There are rare cases where drone footage has captured such executions. Still, most of the time, the Russians themselves publish these videos—either as a form of bragging or as psychological warfare to intimidate Ukrainian society, including the military, by showing what happens in Russian captivity.

For example, the video I mentioned of a POW being castrated was released by Russians less than a day after the Olenivka detention center explosion was reported in the media. This was already a massive tragedy, and you can imagine the level of grief and anger in Ukrainian society at the time. On top of that, this video appeared.

Sadly, we are seeing more and more cases of people being killed in captivity. The problem is that we cannot even determine the numbers accurately because these deaths often go unreported for days or even longer.

Jacobsen: Are there any official numbers of detainees who have died in captivity?

Volkova: According to the Ukrainian Office of the Prosecutor General, we know of at least 177 documented deaths in captivity. Most of these cases involve the execution of POWs shortly after surrendering.

However, we do not know the full extent of the killings because these executions often occur in secret, without witnesses, and only come to light when footage appears on social media or is leaked. To break down the deaths in captivity further,

I would divide them into several categories.

One category includes deaths that occur inside detention facilities. The causes can vary—some result from explosions or targeted attacks. In contrast, others are the direct result of the abuse that POWs endure.

This includes deaths from beatings, torture, or untreated medical conditions. Many POWs suffer from chronic illnesses or develop serious health conditions in captivity that ultimately lead to their deaths due to medical neglect. There is also evidence of suicides. I have seen reports of at least one confirmed suicide in captivity and additional reports of suicide attempts by POWs.

Another category I would mention is the disturbing increase in publicly available evidence of executions. At least once a week—or sometimes once every two weeks—we see new videos, photos, or reports of Ukrainian POWs being executed by Russian soldiers. These killings often take place shortly after surrender or sometime afterward.

From what we have seen, the scenarios are almost always the same. Unarmed Ukrainian soldiers, having surrendered on the battlefield, should be taken as POWs under international law, which obligates the Russian side to accept them and not fire upon unarmed individuals.

However, instead of being taken into custody, they are often either shot immediately or forced to lie down, interrogated, and then executed.

There is also one particularly infamous video—widely known, though I hesitate to use the word “famous”—of a Ukrainian POW who was forced to dig his own grave before being killed. Unfortunately, such executions are not uncommon.

Jacobsen: Let’s turn to the legal framework governing detention. Under humanitarian and international law, what responsibilities do detaining parties have? What protections are in place for individuals held during war or under occupation?

Volkova: If we are talking about POWs, their protection is governed by the Third Geneva Convention of 1949, which outlines the obligations of parties concerning POWs. It includes protections for their lives and property and prohibitions against mistreatment.

Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions contains further articles applicable to POWs. However, these legal documents are decades old. While they are still in effect, they do not always offer full protection in modern conflicts.

That being said, one fundamental guarantee remains in place throughout all stages of captivity: POWs must be treated humanely. This broad principle prohibits violence, intimidation, and public humiliation of prisoners.

Beyond general protections, specific violations can escalate to grave breaches under international law. For example, killing POWs is strictly prohibited and constitutes murder or willful killing under the Geneva Conventions.

There is only one exception—though I hesitate to call it an “exception,” as it is a separate legal principle—which applies when a combatant pretends to surrender but resumes fighting. Under international humanitarian law, this is known as perfidy. In such a case, the opposing force is legally allowed to respond with force because the individual remains a combatant, not a POW.

However, if a soldier genuinely surrenders and lays down their arms, their killing is strictly prohibited. Moreover, suppose a POW is killed or injured in captivity. In that case, the detaining party is legally obligated under international humanitarian law (IHL) to conduct a formal investigation into the cause of death or injury.

For example, I previously mentioned the Olenivka detention facility, where at least 109 POWs were killed. To our knowledge, Russia has conducted no formal investigation into the deaths. Now, this is where legal protections become more complicated—specifically concerning sexual violence.

Jacobsen: Why is that?

Volkova: The Geneva Conventions do not explicitly prohibit sexual violence against male POWs.

As a result, legal action often relies on general protections against inhumane treatment and violence rather than a specific legal provision addressing sexual violence.

That said, Ukrainian prosecutors take an explicit approach when investigating these crimes. While international law may not classify sexual violence against male POWs, Ukrainian legal documents specifically highlight these acts to emphasize their brutality and widespread use in Russian captivity.

The various forms of sexual violence I mentioned earlier—including electrocution, forced nudity, threats of rape, and castration—are often classified as torture or inhumane treatment under international law. These methods extract information, punish prisoners, or exert psychological control. There are, of course, other violations I haven’t covered in detail. If you want me to elaborate, I can.

Jacobsen: What about the prisoners’ personal property?

Volkova: POWs’ personal property is protected under international law. It cannot be confiscated unless taken for security reasons and must be returned after captivity.

Another key legal protection is the right to a fair trial.

As you may know, Russia has conducted numerous trials against Ukrainian POWs, some of which are still ongoing. These trials violate international law, as POWs cannot be prosecuted simply for participating in hostilities—they are entitled to combatant immunity.

And here, it is important to emphasize that POWs have combatant immunity. This means they are protected from criminal prosecution for their participation in armed conflict—unless they commit war crimes or violate international humanitarian law or if they commit ordinary crimes unrelated to hostilities, such as murder, drug trafficking, or theft.

For example, suppose a POW commits a murder that has nothing to do with occupation or the conduct of hostilities. In that case, they can be prosecuted—but these are the only two exceptions under international law.

However, we have seen cases where Russia violates these legal principles by prosecuting Ukrainian POWs not for committing crimes but simply for participating in the conflict. In some cases, Russia targets individuals based on their membership in specific Ukrainian brigades or battalions, labeling them as part of so-called “terrorist organizations.” I will stop here to avoid getting too deep into legal details, but I’m happy to elaborate if you want me to.

Jacobsen: We have about seven minutes left. Let’s talk about what judicial remedies exist for returning POWs who have suffered violations of their rights—whether in terms of compensation, reparations, or legal redress.

Volkova: In Ukraine, a wide range of reparations and remedies are available to POWs upon their return. First, in terms of judicial remedies, the Office of the Prosecutor General of Ukraine, along with the investigative bodies of the State Security Service, opens an investigation into every reported case of mistreatment of POWs. These cases are investigated to the fullest extent possible.

Additionally, Ukraine provides financial support to returning POWs, including a state allowance for those released from captivity. Judicial, psychological, and financial assistance is also available to help reintegrate them into society.

All of these forms of support must work together—providing only one type of assistance is not sufficient. Our goal is to offer a comprehensive support system for POWs upon their return.

One additional point I want to mention regarding judicial guarantees—and regarding POW mistreatment in general—is that one of the biggest challenges in these cases is identifying the perpetrators.

Since Ukrainian POWs are kept in Russia’s detention system, the rules inside these facilities are extremely strict, as you can tell from what I have described. It is very difficult to identify specific individuals involved in abuse because POWs are not allowed to look at the guards. They are often forced to keep their eyes down, cover their faces, or avoid eye contact when being moved around.

This is why focusing on individual perpetrators and the broader system of detention and captivity is crucial. We must investigate who is behind this system, including the military and political leaders responsible for organizing and overseeing these facilities. We can only pursue justice to the fullest extent by holding those in command accountable.

Jacobsen: What support exists for POWs dealing with psychological trauma?

Volkova: I’ll be honest—this is not my area of expertise, but I can share what I know.

Upon returning, all POWs undergo a complete medical evaluation, which includes physical and psychological assessments. They are then offered the opportunity to stay for a certain period in hospitals, where medical doctors, psychologists, and psychiatrists oversee their health.

In addition, they receive ongoing medical care, including regular physical and psychological treatment. I am sure there are additional support programs, but this is not my primary field, so I can only speak to what I know.

Jacobsen: Lydia, thank you very much for your time today. I appreciate it.

Volkova: Thank you.