Haiti is unraveling. Gang violence has surged to unprecedented levels, effectively paralyzing the capital, Port-au-Prince, and displacing over 1.3 million people—more than a tenth of the country’s population. According to the United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH), more than 4,000 people have been deliberately killed since January, marking a 24% spike from the same period last year. With gangs now controlling an estimated 90% of the capital, the city is isolated, its trade routes choked, and its international airport shuttered after armed attacks on commercial aircraft.

The security situation has deteriorated to a point rarely seen, even in Haiti’s long and troubled history. Miroslav Jenča, Assistant Secretary-General for the Americas at the UN’s Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, told the Security Council that gangs have “strengthened their foothold” across all communes of Port-au-Prince and are now extending their reach into provinces like Artibonite. Haiti, he warned, is teetering on the brink of “total collapse of state presence in the capital.” The Haitian National Police (HNP), though determined, are hopelessly outgunned and under-resourced, facing off against gangs equipped with sophisticated firearms largely smuggled from the United States.

The violence has rippled across every aspect of Haitian life. Ghada Fathi Waly, Executive Director of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), underscored the cascading effects of the breakdown. Gang control over key trade arteries has brought legal commerce to a standstill, intensifying food insecurity for more than 5.5 million Haitians—half of them children. In a bleak twist, citizen-led vigilante groups have emerged to fill the void left by the state’s absence. While some have sought to protect their communities, others have turned rogue—operating beyond the law, carrying out extrajudicial killings, and in some cases, collaborating with the very gangs they claim to oppose. The result is a vicious cycle that has fueled the demand for illicit arms and plunged the country further into chaos.

The humanitarian toll is staggering. Reports of sexual violence against women and girls have surged, though many incidents remain unreported due to fear of reprisal and profound distrust in public institutions. In one disturbing case, police raided a Pétion-Ville medical facility in May following allegations of human trafficking—including organ harvesting. With hospitals, schools, and basic infrastructure shuttered, and the economy crumbling, Haiti’s government and judicial system have been brought to their knees, undermining any serious effort to restore democratic governance.

Amid this grim reality, an international response has begun to take shape—but haltingly. In October 2023, the UN Security Council approved the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission, led by Kenya, to assist Haitian police in countering gang violence. While initially envisioned as a 2,500-strong force, the MSS had deployed only 991 personnel, including contingents from Kenya, Guatemala, El Salvador, Jamaica, The Bahamas, and Belize. The mission’s commander, Godfrey Otunge, reported that it is operating at less than 30% capacity, crippled by shortages of funding, equipment, and logistical support. Many troops pledged by supporting nations remain on standby, their deployment delayed indefinitely.

Still, the MSS has managed to establish two strategic bases in Artibonite, the region outside the capital most ravaged by gang activity. But these modest gains are insufficient. Haitian leaders and UN officials have repeatedly urged the Security Council to convert the MSS into a formal UN peacekeeping operation—one with a more robust mandate and stable financial backing. So far, opposition from Russia and China has stalled the initiative, leaving the mission to rely on voluntary contributions that have fallen woefully short.

To view Haiti’s collapse as purely a security crisis is to miss the point. This is a crisis born of political dysfunction, economic devastation, and international neglect. The 2010 earthquake and the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse didn’t just destabilize the country—they hollowed out its institutions. Political uncertainty has persisted ever since, marked most recently by the resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry in March 2024 and the creation of a Transitional Presidential Council. The appointment of a new prime minister in November 2024 and the inclusion of women in the Provisional Electoral Council offer glimmers of hope. Yet, these developments remain largely symbolic as long as gangs continue to rule the streets.

Corruption is a powerful accelerant. UNODC reports detail an illicit economy fueled by arms and drug trafficking, and even wildlife smuggling—including the trafficking of eels, reportedly used to launder drug money. A UN arms embargo, imposed in 2022, remains ineffectively enforced. Firearms continue to pour in—mainly from the United States, particularly through Florida—empowering gangs like “5 Segond” and “400 Mawozo,” whose specialization in weapons trafficking has transformed them into paramilitary forces.

A path forward exists, but it requires an integrated strategy that confronts the security vacuum while rebuilding governance and delivering humanitarian relief.

First, donor countries must immediately increase their contributions to the MSS, which requires an estimated $96.8 million to operate at full capacity. Transforming the MSS into a formal peacekeeping operation could provide the mandate and resources necessary to reclaim gang-controlled territory.

Second, the United States must do far more to stem the flow of illegal firearms. That means tightening export controls and investing in border surveillance. UNODC has identified 11 clandestine airstrips in Haiti used by traffickers—each one a soft target demanding better monitoring and interdiction.

Third, Haiti’s national police require immediate material support—from patrol vehicles and body armor to motorcycles and communications gear. Training programs run by the UNDP, UNODC, and BINUH must expand to include urban combat skills, financial crime investigations, and anti-corruption work.

Fourth, the UNODC’s efforts to strengthen anti-corruption frameworks and facilitate asset recovery must be scaled up. Haiti’s judiciary, meanwhile, needs tools—both technical and legal—to investigate and prosecute organized crime, including elite collusion.

Fifth, sexual violence must be addressed directly. That means establishing safe reporting mechanisms, expanding trauma care, and combating the stigma that silences survivors. UNICEF has also flagged the recruitment of children by gangs—another urgent call for targeted intervention and child protection programs.

Sixth, humanitarian relief must be scaled to meet the magnitude of the crisis. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the World Food Programme (WFP) should intensify their efforts to deliver mobile clinics, distribute food aid, and offer rental assistance—especially in areas under the control of gangs.

Seventh, political reform must proceed in tandem with security operations. The Transitional Presidential Council and the Provisional Electoral Council need coordinated international support to hold credible elections in 2025.

Finally, the UN’s $600 million humanitarian response plan—only 40% funded—must be fully resourced. One proposed solution involves establishing logistics hubs in northern Haiti to bypass gang-controlled routes and deliver aid to Port-au-Prince and beyond.

Haiti now stands at a precipice. Gang violence is not simply eroding state authority—it is erasing it. Without immediate and sustained international action, the country risks a descent into absolute lawlessness. The MSS, while a start, is not enough. The United Nations, regional actors, and major powers—especially the United States—must commit to a long-term effort not just to contain violence, but to rebuild a nation capable of governing itself. Haitians deserve more than survival. They deserve dignity, stability, and the basic freedom to live without fear.