Tatsiana Khomich is one of Belarus’s most prominent human rights advocates, a co-founder of the Free Belarus Prisoners organization, and the designated representative for political prisoners on the Belarus Coordination Council. She is also the sister of Maria Kalesnikava, a celebrated opposition figure who was sentenced to 11 years in prison in September 2021. In the years since her sister’s arrest, Khomich has become a tireless voice on the international stage, traveling across Europe to press for her sister’s release and draw attention to the more than 1,400 political prisoners languishing in Belarusian jails.

Khomich often speaks of the trio of women who helped ignite Belarus’s 2020 pro-democracy movement—Kalesnikava, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, and Viktar Babaryka—and the brutal crackdown that followed. While the prison population remains alarmingly high, more than 300 detainees have been released since mid-2023, many of them elderly or gravely ill. These releases, Khomich notes, have been driven by strategic diplomacy and international pressure, including efforts like the #ReleaseNow campaign.

Still, she warns, progress is fragile. In her view, only sustained diplomatic engagement, targeted sanctions, and ongoing humanitarian negotiations can offer protection to those behind bars—particularly as Belarus continues to navigate the gravitational pull of larger geopolitical forces.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: What is your focus on human rights?

Tatsiana Khomich: My sister, Maria Kalesnikava, was sentenced to eleven years in prison in September 2021. In 2020, Maria was one of the leaders of the opposition campaign supporting Viktar Babaryka, a key presidential contender who was barred from running and later sentenced to fourteen years on politically motivated charges. After Babaryka’s arrest, Maria joined forces with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the wife of another jailed candidate, Siarhei Tsikhanouski, and Veronika Tsepkalo to form the now-iconic “women’s trio.”

This trio symbolized peaceful resistance and inspired mass protests across Belarus. Despite the scale and spirit of the movement, the regime responded with brutal crackdowns. Five years later, Maria remains imprisoned, and over 1,400 political prisoners are still held in Belarusian jails, according to human rights organizations such as Viasna.

We are advocating for engagement and humanitarian negotiations with the government to save lives. Many political prisoners suffer serious health issues—at least 29 are known to have cancer, diabetes, or cardiovascular conditions. Eight prisoners have died in custody, and the actual number could be higher.

There are also approximately 170 individuals who face extreme social or family hardship due to political repression. In some cases, both parents are imprisoned, leaving children in the care of grandparents or forcing them into exile. Others affected include the elderly and people with disabilities. The oldest known political prisoner, Aliaksandr Lubeika, is 77 years old.

Minors have also been prosecuted: some were arrested as young as 16. Over recent years, international attention on Belarus has waned, even as the humanitarian crisis has deepened. The policies pursued by Western governments so far have not led to the mass release of prisoners or significant political change.

That said, there have been some modest positive developments in the past year. Since mid-2023, the government has pardoned or conditionally released over 300 prisoners. These releases have occurred periodically, and the most recent group, comprising 16 individuals, including some with severe health conditions, was freed recently.

We urge democratic nations, including the United States and the European Union, to play a more active role in supporting humanitarian negotiations. In the past six months, multiple visits by U.S. diplomats to Belarus have coincided with the release of detainees, including 14 individuals with U.S. citizenship or ties, such as Siarhei Tsikhanouski. Others released include citizens of Sweden, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, and Japan. While not all of them are classified as political prisoners, many were detained under politically repressive circumstances.

These actions show that while repression continues, the government is also sending signals of willingness to improve relations with the West. Strategic humanitarian engagement could help secure more releases—and ultimately save lives.

Moreover, we have heard it clearly in recent months through their communication, especially from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and even from Lukashenka himself. I believe this is one of the ways that has made the release of political prisoners possible. Belarusian human rights organizations initiated and publicized a campaign in democratic countries under the name #ReleaseNow.

It was primarily Belarusian human rights and civil society organizations that developed a declaration—a manifesto—urging democratic governments, as well as the Belarusian authorities themselves, to engage in negotiations. The goal is simple: to save lives. Some political prisoners are in such poor health that they do not have time to wait.

I hope that my sister will be included in one of the future rounds of releases.

Jacobsen: Like yourself, many family members have been deeply inspired by years of advocacy and research.

Khomich: Yes, for a long time, I believed—and we talked about it—that the prominent opposition leaders from 2020 would be the last to be released. However, we now see that it is not necessarily true. The recent releases show that change is possible. It is a significant step for us and a strong outcome of international negotiations.

We also understand that Belarus is part of a wider regional crisis—the war between Russia and Ukraine—and that the geopolitical context is shifting. This shift is creating space for discussions and negotiations that could lead to the further release of political prisoners.

Jacobsen: Are there comparable international cases? For example, Venezuela?

Khomich: Yes. In Venezuela, political prisoners have also been used as leverage or part of negotiations. Some of those cases date back even longer than ours, predating 2020. These people are often silenced in similar ways.

Jacobsen: And in those situations, do they follow a similar pattern? Long criminal sentences, political repression, years of silence, and then, eventually, selective releases?

Khomich: Yes, that is the pattern. Political prisoners are often sentenced under vague or inflated charges. Many become seriously ill or die in prison. Then, after years of suffering, some are released—but the struggle remains constant. In Belarus, we had never seen this scale of repression before. Ten years ago, there were only a few dozen political prisoners. Now there are over 1,400. Even back then, the leaders of the movement were usually the last to be released, typically after serving nearly their entire five-year sentences.

By “term,” I mean the period between presidential elections. At that time, there was also a warming of relations between Lukashenka and the West. Now, the situation is entirely different. The broader regional context, particularly the war in Ukraine, has a significant impact on developments in Belarus.

Regarding sentencing, there are more than 140 political prisoners in Belarus who have been sentenced to more than ten years in prison. Some have been given sentences of up to twenty or even twenty-five years. As I mentioned, there are individuals over 60 or 70 years old who are facing life sentences. For them, it is effectively a death sentence.

Yes, there have been some releases this year, especially of older adults with severe health conditions. However, it is not enough. We need more.

We should not have illusions about the nature of these transactional relationships. Some of these diplomatic visits were made possible because they were publicly linked to discussions around sanctions and the exchange of political prisoners.

So yes, I think it is time to use all available instruments—including sanctions, diplomatic engagement, and international pressure—as tools to secure the release of political prisoners. These instruments are not an end in themselves; the goal is to improve the situation and, ultimately, end repression in Belarus.

We also need to be realistic. Lukashenka is likely to remain in power for some time. It is currently challenging to envision a complete democratic transition. However, incremental improvements—such as releasing prisoners and halting political repression—are possible. It will take time, but I do believe it can happen.

Jacobsen: Thank you for the opportunity and your time, Tatsiana.