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Is Humanitarianism Only a Western Project?
The global humanitarian system often responds unevenly to crises due to geopolitical priorities, media attention, and funding dynamics.
Is humanity merely a project of the Western alliance, a moral vocabulary invoked when it is convenient and quietly set aside when the victims fall outside the circle of strategic interest? The question is no longer rhetorical. In recent years, a pattern has emerged that is difficult to ignore. Some crises rapidly dominate global headlines, trigger sweeping policy responses, mobilize billions of dollars in donations, and become central topics in international diplomacy. Yet elsewhere, equally devastating human tragedies unfold with far less attention.
Across the world, severe human rights violations, systematic violence, and prolonged suffering continue in places that rarely command the same urgency on the global stage. Entire populations endure displacement, hunger, and insecurity without the diplomatic mobilization or media focus seen in more prominent conflicts. The contrast raises a troubling suspicion: that the language of “humanity” may be applied selectively.
When the victims are located in regions geopolitically or culturally close to centers of global power, sympathy and assistance often flow swiftly. Governments convene emergency meetings. Aid pledges multiply. News coverage expands. But when crises unfold in places considered distant, politically complicated, or strategically marginal, international attention tends to weaken, even when the scale of suffering is enormous. The resulting disparity fuels the perception of a double standard in which identical forms of suffering are treated differently depending on where they occur.
This article begins with that concern but does not assume that humanitarianism itself is merely a façade or cynical instrument. The question here is more precise and ultimately more consequential: Is humanitarianism fundamentally a Western project, or is it a universal moral ideal implemented through a global system that, in practice, operates selectively and is shaped by geopolitical realities?
Focusing on the period from 2020 to 2025, the analysis compares crises that received intense international attention with those that attracted far less. The goal is not simply to catalogue disparities but to examine whether the inequality of attention follows a consistent pattern, and if so, what mechanisms might explain it.
Before proceeding further, it is important to clarify how the term humanitarian is used in this discussion. In practice, humanitarianism operates on two distinct levels: as a set of moral values and as an institutional system.
At the level of values, humanitarianism refers to universal ethical principles. These include helping those in distress, protecting vulnerable populations, and rejecting violence against civilians. Such values are not exclusive to any culture or region. They appear in religious traditions, moral philosophies, and social practices across the world.
At the level of systems, however, humanitarianism refers to something more concrete: the modern architecture of humanitarian response. This includes international organizations, large non-governmental organizations, donor governments, funding mechanisms, coordination platforms, and the diplomatic frameworks that structure global aid delivery. Over the past century, this institutional system has developed alongside modern international institutions, many of which are headquartered in Europe and North America.
As a result, when critics describe humanitarianism as a “Western project,” they often are not challenging the moral value of compassion itself. Instead, they are questioning how the global humanitarian system operates: who sets priorities, whose voices shape the agenda, and which crises receive the most visibility.
This article therefore focuses primarily on the operational dimension of humanitarianism rather than its moral foundation. The analysis examines how the global humanitarian response system allocates attention, funding, and diplomatic energy. It looks at the mechanisms that shape narratives about suffering and influence which emergencies become central topics in global politics.
If humanitarian action claims to be guided by universal principles, then it must be measured against normative standards. Four principles are commonly cited as the foundation of coordinated humanitarian action: humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. Together, these principles are intended to ensure that humanitarian assistance responds to need rather than political calculation.
Among them, the principle most relevant to the accusation of selectivity is impartiality. Assistance, according to this principle, should be provided solely on the basis of need. It should not depend on identity, political alignment, geographic proximity, or strategic alliances.
Using this principle as a benchmark, the article evaluates whether the actual practices and outcomes of global humanitarian responses reflect those ideals or reveal a significant gap between aspiration and reality.
To avoid relying on subjective impressions alone, the analysis uses three observable indicators.
The first is funding. Specifically, the comparison between identified humanitarian needs and the amount of funding actually received. This includes measuring the percentage of needs covered within official humanitarian response plans. Data of this kind is regularly tracked through humanitarian funding systems such as the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs’ Financial Tracking Service (OCHA FTS).
The second indicator is media attention. This includes not only the volume of coverage devoted to a crisis but also the narrative framing of that coverage. Media narratives often shape whether victims are portrayed as individuals worthy of urgent rescue or whether a crisis is framed as complex, distant, and difficult to resolve.
The third indicator involves political and legal action. These responses include sanctions, diplomatic initiatives, international investigations, policy interventions, and resolutions passed by international organizations or influential governments.
If humanitarianism truly operates on a needs-based logic, then crises with comparable levels of human suffering should consistently receive similar levels of funding, media coverage, and political follow-up. In practice, however, the global humanitarian system operates under severe constraints. Needs are expanding rapidly while available funding has not kept pace. This dynamic creates a competitive environment in which crises must effectively compete for attention and resources.
To explore the distinction between highly visible crises and those that remain largely overlooked, the article compares several prominent emergencies with others that have received far less international attention.
Two crises that have dominated the international agenda are the war in Ukraine and the conflict in Gaza. Both have generated intense diplomatic engagement, substantial financial commitments, and sustained media coverage across global news outlets.
At the same time, other prolonged crises continue with far less visibility. Many of these are repeatedly categorized as “neglected” crises due to their chronic funding gaps, limited media exposure, and relatively weak political engagement from major powers.
The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), for example, regularly publishes a list of the world’s most neglected displacement crises based on these very indicators. In recent years, several African countries, including Uganda, have appeared on this list, highlighting situations in which large displaced populations receive minimal international attention.
The broader funding landscape further illustrates the challenge. Globally, coordinated humanitarian response plans for 2024 were funded at only about 50.6 percent of identified needs. In practical terms, this means that many humanitarian operations are forced to compete for limited resources within an already overstretched system.
The contrast becomes clearer when examining specific cases.
In Ukraine, one of the most widely discussed crises in recent years, the Ukraine Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for 2024 estimated humanitarian needs at approximately US$3.11 billion. Funding reached roughly 77 percent of that total. Beyond financial assistance, the crisis also became the focal point of extensive diplomatic activity, sanctions regimes, and sustained moral framing within international media narratives. The result was a crisis that proved highly “mobilizable” within the logic of global policy.
The situation in Gaza between 2023 and 2025 similarly attracted intense international attention. Under the 2024 Flash Appeal for the Occupied Palestinian Territory, humanitarian needs were estimated at approximately US$3.42 billion, with funding reaching about 83.9 percent. The figures demonstrate how intense international attention can accelerate fundraising and mobilization.
Yet Gaza also reveals a critical complication. Even when financial resources are mobilized, humanitarian access can remain constrained. Political decisions, military conditions, and logistical barriers may prevent aid from reaching populations in need, illustrating that funding alone does not guarantee effective humanitarian outcomes.
By contrast, other crises struggle to attract even minimal levels of attention.
In Cameroon, for example, the 2024 humanitarian response plan aimed to assist approximately 2.3 million people out of 3.4 million identified as needing humanitarian support. The estimated funding requirement was US$371.4 million. In reality, however, only about 46 percent of that funding was secured.
Compared with Ukraine and Gaza, where funding levels exceeded 50 percent and approached planned targets, Cameroon remained significantly underfunded. The Norwegian Refugee Council has repeatedly listed Cameroon among the world’s most neglected displacement crises, citing the limited presence of the crisis in global media and diplomacy.
A similar pattern can be observed across the Sahel. In Burkina Faso, humanitarian response plans in 2024 achieved funding coverage of approximately 45.8 percent, while Mali reached around 43.6 percent. These figures reflect severe humanitarian needs combined with relatively limited international attention.
Even long-standing crises struggle to secure adequate support. Somalia reached about 57.7 percent funding coverage in 2024, while the Democratic Republic of Congo achieved roughly 53.7 percent. Although these figures are somewhat higher, they still leave substantial gaps given the scale and duration of humanitarian needs.
Uganda offers another dimension to the discussion. The country hosts one of the largest refugee populations in the world, yet it also illustrates how humanitarian concerns intersect with broader human rights debates. Human Rights Watch has documented restrictions on civil society and human rights concerns, including the passage of the Anti-Homosexuality Act and its implications for civil liberties and protection.
At this point, the central question becomes sharper. Is humanitarianism truly a universal project, or does it function in practice as a system shaped by the priorities of powerful states?
The issue is not that compassion itself belongs to the West. Rather, the institutional architecture of global humanitarian response has largely developed through networks of institutions, funding structures, and policy frameworks concentrated in wealthier countries.
This structural reality can produce subtle but powerful effects. Crises that align with the political interests or moral sensitivities of major powers often gain quicker access to diplomatic attention, media narratives, and funding streams. Their stories circulate more widely, their victims become recognizable, and their suffering becomes politically actionable.
Meanwhile, crises unfolding in regions perceived as remote, politically complex, or strategically marginal often struggle to achieve similar recognition. In these cases, humanitarian actors frequently face the difficult task of repeatedly demonstrating the severity of suffering in order to attract the same level of attention.
The central criticism advanced here is therefore not a moral indictment of any single region or actor. Instead, it raises a deeper structural question: Who determines humanitarian priorities, according to what logic, and with what consequences for the victims who remain outside the global spotlight?
Funding patterns, media coverage, and political responses serve as revealing indicators. When all three converge, humanitarian mobilization can be swift and substantial. When they diverge, crises risk fading into the background of international politics.
In such moments, humanitarian language can function as a flexible moral instrument. It may be invoked to justify decisive action in some cases while remaining conspicuously muted in others when intervention becomes politically inconvenient.
Ultimately, the question of whether humanitarianism is a Western project is not merely an academic debate over terminology. It carries profound practical consequences. A crisis that remains “silent” is not necessarily less severe. More often, it is simply less visible, less politically advantageous, or more difficult to mobilize within existing institutional frameworks.
If humanitarian action is to move closer to its universal aspirations, reforms must address the mechanisms that shape global priorities. Greater transparency in funding allocation, stronger alignment between assistance and measurable humanitarian needs, and sustained efforts to elevate neglected crises are essential steps.
Without such changes, the global humanitarian system risks continuing to reproduce a hierarchy of suffering, one in which some tragedies command immediate global attention while others remain, year after year, at the margins of the world’s concern.
Charisya is a Master’s student studying at Universitas Gadjah Mada majoring in International Relations. Her research interests include human rights, European studies, peace studies, and diplomacy.
