Why a Colonial Border Still Shapes the Fate of South Asia
The 2,640-kilometer Durand Line, the disputed boundary that cleaves Afghanistan from Pakistan, has once again become the region’s most volatile fault line. What began as sporadic cross-border fire has escalated into airstrikes, drone sorties, and ground assaults that have killed scores on both sides. A 48-hour cease-fire announced today offers only a brittle pause. The deeper grievances over sovereignty, sanctuaries for militants, and a border many Afghans refuse to recognize are primed to reignite the fighting at any moment.
Drawn in 1893 by British colonial authorities, the Durand Line has never been fully accepted in Kabul, where it is viewed as an arbitrary line that split Pashtun communities and carved a politics of grievance into the map. That colonial legacy continues to fuel irredentist sentiment and the dream of a “Greater Pashtunistan,” making technical questions of demarcation inseparable from identity and history.
Post-9/11 politics hardened these fault lines. Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence was long accused of cultivating the Taliban as strategic depth during the U.S.-led war, while successive Afghan governments were charged with tolerating anti-Pakistan militants such as Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Hopes that the Taliban’s 2021 takeover might normalize ties have faded. Islamabad says TTP fighters operate from Afghan soil; the Taliban accuse Pakistan of violating Afghan sovereignty with unilateral strikes.
The latest crisis dates to early October, when Pakistan launched airstrikes in Khost, Paktika, and Nangarhar at alleged TTP hideouts. Afghan officials reported civilian casualties alongside Taliban dead. Within days, Afghan forces retaliated against Pakistani positions in Kurram District with artillery and drones, killing at least 23 Pakistani soldiers and wounding dozens more, according to local reporting.
The weekend brought still more alarming signs: Taliban units moved toward the contested Ghulam Khan crossing in Khost, dismissed in Kabul as an “imaginary line,” while videos circulating online showed drone hits on Pakistani outposts at Shaheedano Dand and long convoys of Taliban vehicles heading to the frontier. Pakistan’s response included shelling near the Durand Line, strikes that Afghan officials said hit civilian infrastructure, including mosques, under the pretext of suppressing Taliban positions.
Skirmishes resumed after a brief lull, with each side accusing the other of firing first. The Torkham crossing, vital to bilateral trade, has now been closed for three days, stranding more than two thousand trucks and freezing millions of dollars in commerce. Casualties have mounted: at least 50 Afghans and 30 Pakistanis killed in the deadliest such flare-up in years. In Islamabad, senior officials delivered a pointed message: future incursions will meet “swift responses.”
The crisis has drawn in outside actors. Iran has offered mediation, citing its relationships with both Kabul and Islamabad and its interest in a stable eastern frontier. President Donald Trump, never shy about claiming a diplomatic save, has asserted that his behind-the-scenes engagement helped avert a wider war—an assertion yet to be substantiated by public evidence.
For the Taliban leadership, under Supreme Leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, Pakistan’s strikes are an overt challenge to sovereignty at a moment of internal strain and economic freefall. Deploying elite formations such as the 313 Brigade is meant to signal resolve, but it also risks overextension against a better-equipped Pakistani military. In Pakistan, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Army Chief Asim Munir face intensifying domestic pressure as TTP attacks rise, killing hundreds this year. Islamabad’s “hot pursuit” posture—cross-border raids and airstrikes—may disrupt militant networks, but it has also alienated the Taliban, once perceived as clients or partners. Pashtun nationalist narratives on both sides are gaining power in this security vacuum; TTP leader Noor Wali Mehsud is widely reported to be coordinating operations from Afghan territory.
Regional geopolitics compounds the danger. India has quietly reopened lines to the Taliban, seeking leverage against Pakistan. With the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor at stake, China urges de-escalation to protect its infrastructure and personnel. None of the big players benefits from a border war, but each is tempted to hedge.
The human costs are immediate and severe. In Kurram and Bajaur, displaced Pashtun families face shortages of food and medicine; Pakistan has recorded more than 10,000 internally displaced people this year alone. Afghan refugees—some 1.4 million of whom live in Pakistan—face accelerating deportations, deepening Kabul’s humanitarian emergency, and risking a feedback loop of instability.
The economic shock is already visible. Shutting Torkham chokes an annual bilateral trade flow of billions and devastates perishable-goods exporters. Knock-on effects, lost remittances, smuggling, and a security vacuum hospitable to militancy will ripple across South and Central Asia if the crossing remains shut.
Defusing this crisis requires a strategy that pairs urgent de-escalation with structural fixes. In the near term, the cease-fire must be extended and verified. Neutral monitoring, through the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan or a mutually acceptable third party such as Iran, could establish basic guardrails. Confidence-building steps should include joint patrols along sensitive sectors and targeted intelligence-sharing on TTP movements, with clear channels to prevent tactical incidents from spiraling.
Medium-term stabilization will hinge on managing, if not resolving, the status of the Durand Line. A bilateral commission, facilitated by a forum both sides can accept, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, could pursue delimitation and technical demarcation without reopening sovereignty claims. Carefully designed cross-border economic zones, including visa-light trade corridors for Pashtun communities, would align livelihoods with stability rather than with smuggling and insurgency.
The root problem—sanctuary and militancy—must be addressed head-on. Kabul needs to verifiably dismantle TTP safe havens and restrict cross-border operations; in return, Islamabad should halt unilateral strikes, reopen crossings, and pause mass deportations. Donors, including the United States and the European Union, can condition assistance on measurable counterterrorism steps while funding cross-border infrastructure that gives both governments a stake in calm.
Long-term peace depends on more inclusive governance inside Afghanistan. A broader, however incremental, opening of the political space, including protections for women and minorities, would ease pressure on the regime and reduce the incentives for cross-border adventurism. For their part, regional powers must resist zero-sum maneuvering: China and India have more to gain from a quiet frontier than from a proxy contest along it.
The Durand Line crisis is what happens when colonial borders, proxy warfare, and brittle state capacity collide. The current truce is a window, not a solution. Without credible steps on sovereignty, militant sanctuaries, and economic interdependence, escalation will recur—perhaps on a scale neither side can control. A workable bargain is within reach: Pakistan secures its frontier through cooperation rather than airstrikes; Afghanistan asserts sovereignty through restraint and enforcement against transnational militants. Only then can a line of division become a line of shared prosperity—and a region long hostage to history seize a more stable future.