Serbia still refuses to recognize Kosovo’s independence. Milorad Dodik, the president of Republika Srpska (one of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s two entities), is facing indictment for his attempts to separate the region from Bosnia. In North Macedonia, the prime minister is accused of undermining the Prespa Agreement, which resolved the long-standing name dispute with Greece.

Fueled by nationalism, authoritarian leaders, and the competing influences of China and Russia, the region is a tinderbox. If the European Union (EU) wants to avoid a new “powder keg” in Europe, it must act decisively and independently — especially in the face of an incoming Trump presidency. Membership negotiations must accelerate, offering Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia a clear and tangible path to joining the EU.

Since its inception, the EU has expanded consistently, Brexit in 2020 being the lone exception. The accession process is exhaustive, involving negotiations across over 30 chapters. These range from economic criteria to judiciary reforms, agriculture to taxation, and energy policy to environmental standards.

For many countries, the process has been interminable. North Macedonia has been a candidate since 2002, Montenegro since 2010, Serbia since 2012, and Albania since 2014. Bosnia and Herzegovina only gained candidate status in 2022, and Kosovo remains a “potential candidate.” EU membership is, for these nations, a distant mirage. But while future members must establish functioning democratic institutions, must this rigorous scrutiny extend to fisheries and aquaculture when the stakes are so high?

The Western Balkans’ history underscores its susceptibility to instability. The Ottoman Empire dominated parts of modern Albania, Bosnia, and North Macedonia until 1912. Meanwhile, Slovenia and Croatia belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Empire until 1918. Following World War I, the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes—later renamed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia—was established, only to disintegrate under Nazi occupation during World War II. After the war, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia united the region until its violent dissolution in 1992. The horrors of that era, including the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, linger in collective memory.

This complex history of foreign domination and ethnic tension explains why nationalism persists over a unified Yugoslav identity. While President Josip Broz Tito’s rule (1953-1980) provided a rare period of regional stability and unity, this identity has since fractured. Today, Slovenia and Croatia are EU members, but the rest of the Western Balkans remain vulnerable to great power competition.

Time is of the essence for greater EU engagement. Russia already wields significant influence, particularly in Serbia, by promoting narratives of a “Greater Serbia” and Orthodox supremacy—a dangerous ideology in a region home to 20 million Muslims. China has also deepened its footprint, financing infrastructure projects across the region, including in Kosovo, which it does not officially recognize. Without swift EU action, these powers will continue to erode the region’s stability.

Stability is the second compelling reason for EU involvement. If the EU aims to “speak the language of power”—as then EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell declared in 2020—it must adapt its processes and priorities. Focusing on pragmatic solutions rather than unattainable perfection is how great powers operate. Moreover, public support for EU membership remains high: 92% in Albania, 89% in Kosovo, and 79% in Montenegro, for instance. Delaying accession risks squandering this goodwill and undermining the EU’s credibility in the region.

Critics argue that accelerating accession would destabilize the EU due to the Western Balkans’ fragile institutions and potential economic disruptions. But this ignores precedent: Poland faced EU sanctions as recently as 2024 over judicial reforms, and Hungary remains under scrutiny for its democratic backsliding. Both countries are EU members. If existing members violate fundamental rules, insisting on perfection from the Western Balkans amounts to a double standard. The EU also possesses robust mechanisms to address economic concerns, such as anti-dumping regulations.

Another flawed assumption is that the prospect of EU membership alone will incentivize reforms. Instead, integrating the Western Balkans with an unfinished “to-do list” could enhance accountability. EU membership would empower civil societies and provide these nations with bureaucratic expertise, fostering long-term stability and governance improvements.

The Western Balkans are at a tipping point. Nationalism, ethnic tensions, and Russia’s and China’s influences threaten to destabilize the region. For the EU, the choice is clear: embrace these nations now and guide them through their transformation, or risk the region spiraling into chaos. With the U.S. potentially stepping back under a second Trump administration, the EU may be the last bastion of liberal democratic values. It’s time for Europe to act like it.