Upon being appointed, the prime minister’s team typically diligently works with the White House to ensure that the president explicitly uses the phrase “special relationship” during that first congratulatory call. One Foreign Office official “punched the air a little too vigorously” when former President Barack Obama used the phrase in his 2010 call with former Prime Minister David Cameron.

Despite this rhetorical emphasis, the relationship is not as smooth sailing as some might think. Obama famously said that Brexit would put Britain at the “back of the queue” for a trade deal. Despite President Joe Biden’s renewal of the famous Atlantic Charter with former Prime Minister Boris Johnson in 2021, throughout his administration, Joe Biden, famous for his Irish pride, has repeatedly forgone trade deals with the United Kingdom over issues in Northern Ireland.

Polls show that Vice President Kamala Harris could very well be beaten in the upcoming presidential election, so it is possible we may see a President Donald Trump again in the White House come January. If this were to happen, what would the future of the special relationship look like?

Certainly, Trump’s pick of Ohio Senator J.D. Vance has made some in the UK worried about a second Trump administration, after a clip emerged of Vance jokingly describing Britain as the first “truly Islamist country” to have a nuclear weapon because of Labour’s election – Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner coming out to reject this claim.

Foreign Secretary David Lammy could be a great asset in rebuilding the special relationship with the United States, but this does not come without some criticism for his previous comments as a backbench MP. In 2018, he referred to Trump as a “neo-Nazi-sympathising sociopath” and a “profound threat to the international order.”

Regardless, Lammy, in his new role requiring stricter messaging and diplomatic sensitivity, has signaled that he would work diligently with any administration entering the White House in January. In fact, he has repeatedly engaged with Senator Vance over many months, referring to him as a friend who he has “common ground with,” despite their clear ideological differences.

What Lammy will bring to the table is an ability to connect with American counterparts in a way that previous Foreign Secretaries could not. Lammy, an alumnus of Harvard University and having worked as a lawyer in San Francisco, is clearly intimately familiar with the country in a way that previous occupants of his job were not. He will be able to build on his connections and the fondness of the country regardless of whether Harris or Trump becomes the next president.

In this way, the foreign secretary will push to ensure that an incoming Trump administration makes clear commitments to continual aid to Ukraine—something that the renowned isolationist Vance has been highly critical of since the war began in February 2022.

Trump also has clear allies outside of the current government. Former Prime Ministers Liz Truss and Johnson and Leader of Reform UK Nigel Farage attended the Republican National Convention in July, where Trump was confirmed as the Republican nominee. Some have even oddly claimed that Farage would be a perfect candidate for ambassador to the United States under the Trump administration. Whilst this is highly unlikely, it will be interesting to see how these relationships would develop, especially when the Republican convention hardly seemed like a strong welcome for the British loyalists.

It is yet to be clear how a Harris administration would navigate its relationship with 10 Downing Street and whether it would drastically differ from President Biden’s approach. Harris is likely to continue working closely with Europe to provide aid to Ukraine and bolster NATO support.

The major difference – only rhetorically as of now – is that Harris appears to be much more malleable than Biden on the devastating war in Gaza. Whilst supporting Israel’s right to self-defence, she went further than Biden by shifting the focus to the suffering of Palestinians. Whilst Harris has no current plans to do so, this is following the trajectory that the Labour government is taking, having dropped plans to challenge the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This could be an avenue for joint international action across the pond.

Regardless of national politics, the UK and the U.S. will likely continue to build economic ties. Various U.S. state governments have recently signed agreements with the UK to bolster trade and investment, covering industries such as aerospace, manufacturing, and agriculture. And in lieu of a free trade agreement, this could be an expected and fruitful avenue for further development. It should be said that these agreements do not allow for as much economic exchange as a U.S.-UK free trade agreement, and the Labour government will likely be looking for upcoming diplomatic talks to discuss such potential agreements.

What is most abundantly evident is how complicated Britain’s alliance is with the United States. Certainly, navigating the relationship is much more difficult than simply getting the president to utter the words “special relationship” in a largely pre-planned phone call. It requires nuance, diplomatic sensitivity, and a drive for genuine, mutual development. Whether Trump or Harris stands on the steps of the U.S. Capitol and swears the oath of allegiance come January, it will be imperative for the Labour government and Parliament as a whole to ensure smooth sailing with its greatest ally.