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Narendra Modi giving Vladimir Putin a bearhug while in Moscow.

Modi’s visits to Russia and Austria underscore his complex, strategic foreign policy balancing global powers.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent diplomatic visits to Russia and Austria have sparked a robust debate about his foreign policy direction. His strategic maneuvers to balance the burgeoning partnership with the United States while preserving India’s deep-rooted ties with Russia have drawn global attention. These visits underscore the intricate dance of diplomacy that Modi is performing, aiming to position India as a nation of “strategic autonomy” in a complex international landscape.

During Modi’s summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin, he was awarded Russia’s highest honor, the Order of St Andrew the Apostle. This accolade, however, came at a controversial time, coinciding with a Russian attack on a children’s hospital in Kyiv. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky expressed profound disappointment over Modi’s acceptance of the award under such circumstances. In contrast, within India, the visit was largely celebrated as a testament to India’s independent foreign policy and its ability to navigate great power politics.

The tangible outcomes of Modi’s visit to Russia were relatively modest, with nine agreements signed, primarily centered on trade and investment promotion. One notable deal was the commitment to repatriate 35 Indian citizens who had been duped into joining the Russian army currently fighting in Ukraine. However, a much-anticipated agreement, the Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Agreement (RELOS), was conspicuously absent. RELOS, designed to facilitate logistical support for military operations between the two nations, was expected to last five years with an automatic renewal clause. Despite India’s longstanding defense ties with Russia, this agreement remains unsigned, even as India had entered into a similar arrangement with the United States back in 2016.

India and Russia’s partnership in nuclear energy stands as a testament to their enduring strategic collaboration. They have successfully constructed nuclear reactors at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu, with two units operational and plans underway for six more advanced units at a new site. This collaboration likely includes a long-term pact for uranium supply, ensuring the sustained operation of these reactors. Such agreements underscore the depth of Indo-Russian cooperation in civilian nuclear technology, a relationship that has historically provided India with critical support in its energy sector.

Despite U.S. reservations, India continues to purchase significant quantities of oil from Russia. Additionally, India has acquired the sophisticated S-400 missile defense system from Russia, a move that has drawn scrutiny from Western allies. Reports also suggest that India has extended support to Ukraine in certain capacities, highlighting the complexity and nuance of India’s foreign policy.

India’s longstanding ties with Russia have been built on a foundation of reliable weapons supply, diplomatic backing, and civilian nuclear technology cooperation. However, Modi’s policy, viewed by some critics as opportunistic, raises questions about its long-term efficacy. While his visit to Russia may have bolstered his domestic standing, the lack of substantial gains and the timing of the visit in the context of the ongoing Ukraine conflict have potential repercussions for India’s international reputation.

Modi’s visit to Austria, although less controversial, also illustrates India’s broader diplomatic strategy. Austria, a neutral country with a history of acting as a bridge between East and West, offers India an opportunity to reinforce its image as a non-aligned power capable of engaging with diverse global players. This approach aligns with India’s historical stance of non-alignment and its contemporary pursuit of “strategic autonomy.”

However, Modi’s balancing act between major powers such as the U.S. and Russia is fraught with challenges. The U.S.-India strategic partnership has grown significantly in recent years, encompassing defense, trade, and technology. Yet, India’s persistent engagement with Russia, particularly in defense and energy, complicates this relationship. Washington has expressed concerns over India’s continued purchases of Russian military hardware and energy supplies, even as it seeks to deepen ties with New Delhi.

Conversely, Russia views India as a critical partner in its pivot to Asia, especially in the face of increasing Western sanctions and diplomatic isolation. The longstanding defense cooperation, exemplified by the supply of the S-400 missile system, underscores the strategic dimension of the Indo-Russian relationship. Moreover, Russia’s support for India in international forums, such as the United Nations, adds another layer to their partnership.

The complexity of Modi’s foreign policy is further illustrated by India’s nuanced stance on the Ukraine conflict. While India has called for a cessation of hostilities and emphasized dialogue and diplomacy, it has refrained from outright condemnation of Russia’s actions. This careful positioning reflects India’s desire to maintain its strategic autonomy while navigating the intricate web of international relations.

Prime Minister Modi’s recent visits to Russia and Austria underscore the delicate balance of his foreign policy strategy. While these visits aimed to reinforce India’s image as a nation capable of maintaining “strategic autonomy,” the outcomes have been mixed. The tangible gains from the Russia visit were limited, and the timing of the visit amidst the Ukraine conflict has drawn international criticism. Modi’s approach, seen by some as opportunistic, underscores the challenges India faces in balancing its relationships with major global powers. As India continues to navigate this complex landscape, the efficacy of Modi’s foreign policy will be closely scrutinized both domestically and internationally.

Zahra Batool teaches International Relations. Her areas of interest are Pak-India relations, Pak-Afghan relations, and South Asia.