Terrorism is resurging in Pakistan, demanding a united national response.

As terrorism reemerges in Pakistan, a stark reality confronts policymakers and civil society alike: military operations alone cannot extinguish extremism. The country’s escalating crisis—marked by 444 terrorist attacks in 2024 alone, resulting in the deaths of 1,612 civilians and military personnel—demands a broader strategy. The culprits, primarily Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Islamic State – Khorasan Province (ISIS–K), are globally designated terrorist groups. Yet their resurgence reflects more than firepower—it’s the product of political missteps, faltering post-conflict efforts, and the erosion of public trust.

The resurgence of terrorism since 2021 is tied to multiple failures. Chief among them is the state’s overreliance on kinetic responses, coupled with an underwhelming application of non-kinetic strategies. Negotiations were led by mediators whose public reputations were already in question. More critically, after military operations in the mid-2010s, civilian authorities failed to assume control or rebuild civic infrastructure fully. This neglect fostered a dangerous vacuum, deepening the divide between the state and its people—a void ripe for exploitation by extremist groups.

The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan further fueled the crisis. Billions of dollars in abandoned American weaponry flooded black markets, ending up in the hands of militants. Meanwhile, ill-conceived negotiations under the previous PTI government gave the TTP time to regroup and strategize.

Why the Religious Right is a Target

Ironically, among those most vulnerable are Pakistan’s moderate religious leaders—figures who openly reject the extremist doctrines of suicide bombings and takfir (excommunication). For example, Maulana Hassan, a member of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F), was assassinated after issuing a fatwa condemning suicide bombings. In 2023, a devastating attack at a JUI-F rally in Bajaur left 63 people dead—an atrocity later claimed by ISIS–K.

This targeting of the religious right is not coincidental. These leaders are uniquely positioned to delegitimize extremist ideologies. Their influence threatens the theological foundation upon which groups like TTP and ISIS–K build their appeal. In a powerful move in 2023, the renowned cleric Mufti Taqi Usmani, alongside other religious scholars, issued a fatwa declaring those who wage war against the state as rebels and their cause as haram. This act, while non-violent, was a potent tool in the broader ideological war against terrorism.

The Allure of TTP and ISIS–K

The TTP, which emerged in 2007, was modeled after al-Qaeda’s insurgent blueprint and has since waged a campaign against the Pakistani state, targeting both civilian and military infrastructure. The group was behind the harrowing 2014 Army Public School attack that claimed 141 lives—most of them children. Its ideological core is Takfirism: the authority to declare fellow Muslims as apostates and justify their killing.

ISIS–K, though ideologically similar, diverges in organizational structure and scope. Its evolution has unfolded in two phases: an initial period of expansion from 2015 to 2019, followed by a strategic recalibration post-2020. Unlike TTP, ISIS–K’s Salafi Takfiri doctrine is at odds not only with the Pakistani state but also with the Taliban, the JUI-F, and the broader Deobandi tradition. Their leadership is a patchwork of former TTP operatives, defected Afghan Taliban members, and international jihadists. Their footprint has grown ominously recently, particularly in Balochistan and Sindh, with growing activity in other provinces.

The Cost of Division—and the Need for Unity

At a time when Pakistan is already navigating deep political and economic instability, terrorist factions are exploiting every fissure. Recent advisories from JUI-F urging followers to stay home during Eid for their safety highlight a troubling retreat. What might be a precaution in one light is a symbolic victory for terrorist groups in another.

This pullback signals not strength but fragility. It’s a wake-up call. The path forward demands solidarity, not silence. Religious and political leaders must call for robust security and unwavering state action against militants. Any retreat—ideological or territorial—risks ceding ground physically and morally. If civil society doesn’t unite now, the future may hold greater losses: of mosques, madrasas, and the very minarets that once symbolized community and continuity.

Crafting a New Strategy

Pakistan must commit to a comprehensive counterterrorism strategy that integrates hard and soft power to reverse this trend. Non-kinetic measures—those grounded in public persuasion, media narratives, and cultural storytelling—are as critical as security operations. Films, documentaries, and community engagement can help counteract extremists’ ideological propaganda and restore hope in national institutions.

Kinetic operations, while necessary, must be precise and surgical. Collateral damage only reinforces militant narratives and alienates the population. However, even the most finely tuned military strategy will falter if post-conflict reconstruction continues to be neglected. The wounds left from the state’s failure to rebuild in the wake of past operations remain open—and ripe for radicalization.

A durable peace depends on trust, which must be earned through infrastructure, education, economic opportunity, and justice. Confidence-building measures, negotiated consensus, and a shared national vision are the only antidotes to extremism’s spread.

This moment is a test of resolve. Pakistan’s response will determine not just the trajectory of its counterterrorism efforts but also the very shape of its democratic and religious future. Retreat is no longer an option. The country must stand united—or risk falling divided.