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U.S. Political Dysfunction Will have a Ripple Effect
Whether voters fault Democrats or President Donald Trump and his fascist cohorts, the effect is the same: Beijing sees strategic dividends in American dysfunction.
The U.S. federal government has been shut down for eight days after Congress failed to pass a continuing resolution before the September 30 deadline. Hundreds of thousands of federal workers have been furloughed; national parks and routine services are shuttered; uncertainty hangs over everything from small-business loans to food assistance. Government shutdowns aren’t new in Washington. What distinguishes this one is its intensity and potential to inflict longer-term damage—at home and among U.S. partners abroad, including in South Asia.
At the core is a fight over health-care subsidies and fiscal priorities. Democrats, led by Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, want to expand Affordable Care Act subsidies and reverse GOP-backed Medicaid reductions. Republicans, who control the White House under President Donald Trump as well as both chambers of Congress, denounce such demands as fiscal overreach and are pushing a stopgap bill that leaves Democratic priorities out.
In previous shutdowns, furloughed workers could typically expect retroactive pay once the agencies reopened. This year, the administration has signaled interest in turning temporary disruption into permanent retrenchment—musing about reductions to transit funding in blue-leaning states, among other cuts. That stance shifts the shutdown’s stakes from nuisance to redefinition: a narrower federal role with knock-on effects for governance, labor markets, and state budgets long after lights are back on.
Economists are blunt about the costs. Moody’s Analytics estimates that a week-long shutdown trims annualized GDP growth by roughly 0.1 to 0.15 percentage points; S&P Global pegs the daily hit at about $1.5 billion. Some 800,000 federal employees are off the job—spending less, delaying payments, and freezing procurement. The drag radiates outward: agricultural support, veterans’ services, and nutrition programs such as WIC could face interruptions before October ends. Compared with the 2018–19 shutdown—the longest in U.S. history—this episode carries an added risk: structural job loss if contractors shed workers and fail to rehire, thereby compounding fragility in an already uneven labor market.
Public frustration is mounting, and the governing party is bearing the brunt of the criticism. A PBS News/NPR/Marist survey finds 38 percent of Americans primarily blame Republicans, 27 percent blame Democrats, and independents lean toward holding the GOP responsible. The dynamic is familiar: in 2013, Republicans’ crusade against Obamacare cratered their approval ratings. The broader lesson remains uncomfortably consistent. Americans generally support specific benefits—71 percent favor extending health-care subsidies—but two-thirds oppose using a shutdown as leverage. Voters want compromise more than brinkmanship, and the widening gap between Washington’s tactics and public expectations is eroding patience.
Shutdowns have become a recurring feature of governance since the 1981 reinterpretation of the Antideficiency Act, resulting in 20 funding gaps and 10 full shutdowns. The brief standoffs of the 1980s gave way to more punishing episodes, including the 1995–96 showdown and the 2018–19 closure, each carrying steep economic and political costs. The 2025 shutdown is the first under a Republican trifecta—presidency, House, and Senate—yet Democrats remain entrenched on healthcare, a popular battleground they believe favors them.
The consequences don’t stop at the water’s edge. India’s vaunted IT services industry remains deeply tied to U.S. federal and state contracts, and project delays now appear likely. Bangladesh’s textile sector, a pillar of global supply chains, will feel any drop in American consumer demand quickly. Remittances that support households in Nepal, Sri Lanka, and elsewhere could be softened if U.S. government–linked workers abroad experience delayed pay or curtailed assignments. Prolong this standoff, and a domestic budget fight can metastasize into a regional economic problem, exporting Washington’s dysfunction to South Asia’s factory floors and family budgets.
America still sells itself as a steward of stability. Yet an inability to keep its own government open is an embarrassment—and a strategic liability. Allies and partners, especially in Asia, will question whether Washington can effectively manage both domestic politics and global commitments simultaneously. Each shutdown becomes another data point in a narrative of eroding reliability at a time when China’s influence is expanding. What once felt exceptional is now a recurring tactic, one that undermines not just economic stability but institutional credibility. With congressional approval already below 20 percent before the shutdown, brinkmanship can only drive confidence lower.
The near-term fix and the long-term reform are not the same. In the short term, Congress needs a workable middle ground to reopen the government—likely a temporary funding bill that both parties can agree on. Over the longer horizon, structural guardrails would help—automatic continuing resolutions to prevent agency shutdowns during impasses, biennial budgeting to reduce annual cliff edges, and enforcement mechanisms that discourage hostage-taking. Absent such changes, crisis cycles will become costlier and more frequent.
For South Asia, two lessons stand out. First, diversify. Economies tightly coupled to U.S. demand—through government contracting, apparel exports, or remittances—need buffers and alternative markets. Second, take the warning seriously. Robust democracies can still be frayed by polarization to the point of self-inflicted harm; institutions that seem unassailable can be weakened surprisingly fast.
The world is watching a stalemate in which routine governance has been recast as political theater. This shutdown is about more than a budget calendar; it’s about safeguarding public trust in American institutions and protecting a global economy that remains closely tied to U.S. decisions. Each additional day chips away at U.S. credibility, spooks allies, and sends ripples through supply chains from Virginia to Dhaka. What happens in Washington doesn’t stay in Washington; it reverberates across borders, balance sheets, and kitchen tables.
Sundus Safeer is a researcher and analyst specializing in international relations and South Asian affairs. Her work focuses on diplomacy, humanitarian crises, and global governance.